On the second day of the GLOBSEC 2024 Forum, held in Prague, Czech Republic, Prime Minister Edi Rama was invited to participate in the panel discussion “The Future of Europe. What Lies Ahead?” alongside Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen and Finnish President Alexander Stubb, led by renowned journalist Ali Aslan.
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Good morning everyone! It’s so good to be back at GlobeSec, and I’m very pleased to be here in Habel Hall for a session called “Europe on the Rise – Opportunities, Risks, and Road Ahead.” There are many challenges for this continent. I am extremely pleased to join three European leaders who will discuss how these challenges will be tackled. So, let me welcome Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, and Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama. Prime Minister, it’s good to have you with us. I believe you know this hall. President, Prime Minister, I’m delighted to see you, as always. Thank you very much for joining us in this session on Europe on the rise at Globsec. Let’s dive straight into the topic.
Prime Minister Rama, your country has been unwavering and clear in its support for Ukraine since the beginning. You’ve shown full solidarity with the country. In fact, Albania and Ukraine signed a friendship treaty, strengthening the ties between the two nations. Why is it important for you as Prime Minister and for Albania to stand steadfastly by Ukraine?
Prime Minister Edi Rama: Thank you! Before I answer your question, I’m not sure what you were thinking when you placed me alongside these two individuals, because usually, I’m put in a steam locomotive with people from the Balkans in panels with 5 or 6 people, whereas now, I’m in an electric car with two Nordics. I feel very honored, by the way, there’s no doubt about that. In a way, I’ve risen to another level of society in Europe. Clearly, people think very highly of you, though I understand that you felt very alone and cold and would have liked some sunshine from Albania to raise the temperature here a bit.
To get back to what you said, I want to make it clear to everyone because we’re in Prague, and I have to say that for us, we grew up in a country where Washington and Prague were the same, we couldn’t go to either. We were told that both sides, both the American imperialism and the Soviet social-imperialism, were the same devil. So, we had to stay with Stalin even after Russia let go of Stalin. We paid the price – there is no interest, no need to see Russia as a potential ally or partner for as long as Russia’s dream of a certain version of imperialism, be it old or new, doesn’t disappear. So, we are the only country in Europe since 1990 that hasn’t had any visits from our high authorities to Moscow or from Moscow’s high authorities to us. To conclude, I must say that our solidarity with Ukraine is the most natural thing because it’s unimaginable that in our world, in our Europe, in the 21st century, any disagreement, any different understanding of neighborliness cannot be solved by sending an army. This is entirely inconceivable!
In a way, I want to mention the quite telling story of the Russian anthem. I don’t know if you know this story, but when Stalin asked the author who wrote it to write something highly motivating because the Soviet Union had to fight, the author did so. When Khrushchev came to power, he asked the same author to change the lyrics, and when Yeltsin came to power, he said, “Look, we’re not the Soviet Union anymore; we’re Russia, so you have to change the lyrics.” This is a true story. And, when Putin came to power, he asked the author to change the lyrics again. But, the music never changed in Russia.
-First of all, I think both President Stubb and Prime Minister Frederiksen are very happy that you are with us.
Prime Minister Edi Rama: There’s always a chance to smile, even when you come to these kinds of forums.
Finnish President Alexander Stubb: Edi is quite modest because let me tell you an anecdote. A friend of ours in foreign policy actually joked that we would become NATO members before Albania, but it didn’t happen that way. Now we’re learning from Albania as a new member of NATO.
Prime Minister Edi Rama: Now you’re touching a wound because there’s another similar thing with the European Union, for example. What’s called today a Euro-optimist and a Euro-pessimist. The Euro-optimist says that Turkey will join Europe under the Albanian Presidency, while the Euro-pessimist says that Albania will become a member under the Turkish Presidency.
-Of course, Prime Minister Rama, you’ve advocated for your country’s EU membership. I remember interviewing you two years ago about European enlargement and the expansion of the Western Balkans, and you said something very beautiful, and I often quote you on this, that you’re tragically optimistic about the future of the Western Balkans. Enlargement is a major issue. You may not be an EU member, but you’re a European country.
Prime Minister Edi Rama: At least, in fact, they can’t decide that in Brussels. We are European!
– Absolutely, yes, you are a European country
Prime Minister Edi Rama: That’s not decided in Brussels, at least. That’s for sure. However, I have a slightly different approach from Alexander on what has been the biggest promoter of enlargement over the past two years. It hasn’t been Emmanuel; it’s been Vladimir, and this is tragic optimism, unfortunately, because Europe needed Vladimir to attack Ukraine so that it wouldn’t take the Western Balkans for granted anymore, saying: listen, one day the blue horizon will be yours, but for now, we need to do some other things, and you need to understand that this is merit-based. But is it really merit-based? I’m not sure.
On the other hand, enlargement means to enlarge. Ukraine, yes, is an enlargement, but the Western Balkans are here, so it’s not enlargement; it’s practically unification, practically serving to understand that there’s no sense in something here being detached from the organism because then it can become a source of a very large infection.
When it comes to Albania, we are European; we are stubbornly in love with Europe, and we don’t accept “No” as an answer. We will stay with the EU until the end, just like we stayed with Stalin until the end. Even when the Russians decided to wash their hands of Stalin, we were still with him. We will stay with the EU even when the EU disappears, and we will invite everyone to restart it from Albania and rebuild another European Union.
What I mean is that we are loyal. Not only that, but there’s no chance that other actors like Russia will change our minds. But it’s not the same across the region. The region is an area where Russia has a lot of influence, and before it’s too late, we need to do some things differently. I must say that some things have already started to be done differently, starting with the Growth Plan, which is something new in the history of integration because for the non-member countries, it gives them a chance to start integrating into the common market, to start integrating into other parts of the entire neurotic organism of Europe. This is very good.
On the other hand, it can happen much faster because, let’s face it, the biggest problem in the end is convincing public opinion across Europe that we’re accepting the Albanians, and this is not easy, even though it would be great for Europe to have Albania, but I assure you it’s not easy. It’s easier now, much easier, but that doesn’t mean it will continue to be so in 2, 3, 4 years because things can change again. It’s very important, therefore, to create the conditions so that, regardless, the members of the Western Balkans are much more integrated politically in Europe without yet being members. For example, what’s the point of having meetings of ministers and those responsible for security or internal policy without including the Western Balkans? What’s the point of not exchanging the same data? When we talk about organized crime, terrorism, and all these things, they have already created their “European Union.” They work without barriers, without vetoes, without merit-based processes, without anything, they’re very integrated, they work at an international level, they’re very fast, so to confront them, we need to have the same rhythm; otherwise, the time of exchanging information for conducting an operation might be too long when others have already acted. In this sense, I believe much more can be done.
– I think the timing, as Alexander said, is very favorable.
Prime Minister Edi Rama: Whatever they do, we will not give up on our love for them, so they should be clear about that. There’s no chance. But the Western Balkans should not be taken for granted. That’s my opinion.
– And I think this message is heard loud and clear in all European capitals…
-Briefly, Prime Minister Rama, your country has signed a migration agreement with Italy, which will send up to 30,000 asylum seekers to your country to process their asylum applications. The agreement is the first signed between an EU country and a non-member country. Why did you sign this agreement? You have clearly stated that you want to help Italy, you are a good friend, you’ve been good friends. What was the primary motivation for Albania in signing this agreement?
Prime Minister Edi Rama: First of all, because we cannot say no to Italy, it’s very simple. You cannot say no to Giorgia either, but we cannot say no to Italy in any way, due to history, due to friendship, due to many things, and due to the fact of how present Italy has been for us when we were in very bad situations after the regime change.
Secondly, because as I said before, and you all agreed, we are all Europeans and we must behave as Europeans, even though they are delaying our permit to be part of this common European family. This is a problem for all of Europe. Mette gave an example that is exactly what happened at the table of the new European political community. She raised this question and the response from some colleagues was no. In fact, the country of one of the colleagues is becoming notorious precisely for this, for areas where you cannot walk.
However, the answer came, not based on facts, but supported by a certain political perspective.
The ideologization of this issue, the response to this issue as either right-wing or left-wing, raising this issue in election campaigns, and dividing and polarizing society over something that is rational has elevated the migration problem to the level of a cultural war, and this is the greatest harm that has been done to European values, European principles, the entire way of understanding what Muslims are.
I am Catholic, my wife is Muslim, we have two children who are Orthodox from previous joint ventures, and the youngest might decide to be Buddhist, I don’t know; we have no problem with this. Albania was the only country in Europe that had more Jews after the war than before it, and there is no Jew registered in Yad Vashem who was deported from the country to concentration camps. There are two names who were deported to the camp and they were not Jews, but Albanians, because the family hiding the two Jews decided to surrender their own two sons to save the Jews. We are loyal, so we will protect them to the end. This means that in a predominantly Muslim country, and at that time it was even more so, the Jews were saved by Muslim families. So what is this cultural war about? In fact, it’s not about Muslims; it’s not about culture. It’s precisely about what Mette said, the very simple concept of territory governed by people elected in this territory, who must ensure that those who enter are 1, 2, 3, and those who must leave are 1, 2, 3, 4. But, this thing that I come, you come, everyone comes, is like playing the game of many other forces, but not doing what is necessary for Europe.
Just something else, because there is also the other aspect of history, which I now believe that Europe cannot face this wave unless it politically does something major to become even more united in its own union. This is not about Denmark, Germany, or Italy. This is about the entire European territory. Europe is no longer new; it is the oldest on the globe. It is no longer as wealthy as it once was; there are parts of European regions where GDP is declining. Europeans are not inclined to have many children, while others are; labor is needed, so clearly Europe needs more immigrants than it has today, but in a regulated way. Just think about this. TikTok in China is brilliant; anyone who enters there seems to live in paradise, while TikTok in Europe is a hell, Europe is over-regulating everything, over-deregulating or demoralizing the media and freedom of speech, and I am very, very afraid that Europe will end up in a terrible position if it does not become one and speak with one voice because we can and must win the war in Ukraine. But how do you win the war when one side is fully engaged while the other is told, “Here, we’ll give you this plane, but you have to fly only to that part,” while others give you this gun, but you have to shoot only in this direction, we give you this and that, and then you’re told you also have to fight corruption?
– Prime Minister I’m sure this panel could be a second day of GlobalSec…
Prime Minister Edi Rama: I have to say the same thing I always say: if you invite people from the Balkans, you always have to extend the time. If you want memos, bring in the Nordics, give them five minutes, they’ll give you the memo, and then return to their ice. When we sit down, we want to discuss, to enjoy ourselves. Bring the tea—no, no, bring the Turkish coffee—and we might even read the future in the cup. You’ve become too Germanized, my friend.
-I don’t think that’s very wrong!
Prime Minister Edi Rama: Being too Germanized isn’t wrong?!
-No, I don’t think it’s wrong. It’s time to talk about football… I think that every time Prime Minister Rama is on stage, we have a very pleasant time. It’s a perfect combination of strong content and entertainment. Thank you very much.